Thank you for the considered reply JMK. I would highly recommend reading ‘Invisible Women’. It’s about the gender data gap. It’s wide ranging and covers a lot of topics and contains a lot of references. There is a bit on unisex facilities and their impact (or rather lack of single sex provision for women). I also found this from water aid which contains some statistics:
https://washmatters.wateraid.org/sites/ ... -guide.pdf
I’m not arguing that safety is not also a concern for trans people, nor that it’s a problem that doesn’t need fixing. However, the onus should not be on women because men can’t sort their shit out and become (as a class) more accepting on gender non-conforming men. Gay men are also more at risk in male spaces, but we don’t expect them to be able to use the women’s bathrooms, changing rooms etc (even though it would arguably be safer to do so from a female safety perspective). The other issue with self-ID is that it also impacts trans women’s safety- if one of the arguments is that trans women should be able to use women’s bathrooms because it is not safe for them to use the men’s facilities, then any policy which makes facilities unisex (either expressly or effectively) will also allow the predators who are a threat to trans women into those ‘safe spaces.’
The point about ‘middle class heterosexual women’ was more meant to be illustrative that the impact isn’t uniform, even amongst women. As far as the queer community goes, again, it is not homogenous and the impact on lesbians is different to the impact on gay men because of the physiology of men v women. Also, again, there will be a certain level of confirmation bias because the penalty of expressing discomfort with the prevailing ideology is severe and there is a fear of ostracism, and in some cases violence. It also depends on what you mean by ‘support’. Most people would probably answer positively if asked ‘do you support trans rights?’ But ‘trans rights’ might mean different things to different people. I’m not saying there’s a huge opposition in the LGBT community, just that I don’t think we can really know exactly what the level of support it whilst there are clear disincentives to expressing anything other than blanket support.
For the ‘dating preferences’ point: what sort of evidence are you expecting to see? If you go on a dating app, you can set preferences for men or women (or both) but there is no option to specify cis or trans people, and if you put it in your bio (even if expressed as ‘no penises please’), you get kicked off for hate speech (although ‘t4t’ (trans for trans) is apparently acceptable). A queer dating app (marketed particularly at women) did exactly this. Experiences are obviously not universal, so plenty of people will not have encountered this as an issue. But it doesn’t mean it isn’t happening.
As you said in a previous post, if gender and sex are not accurately recorded, it makes analysis of data very difficult. For example, if there is a rise in female crime, is this due to trans women (or men taking advantage of self-ID once arrested) being captured in the female offender data, or other factors (e.g. crime rising more generally, less stigma around male victims of violence coming forward). Sexual offending amongst women is also difficult to analyse generally because of varying definitions of what constitutes a sexual offence (e.g. in some countries if you are arrested for soliciting, that is counted as a sex offence) so statistics can be confounded in many ways (including deliberately, if so desired). So we are already dealing with a lot of confounding factors before we start trying to disaggregate into gender v sex when gender and sex are treated as interchangeable in the collected data.
Here is the hospital incident (other sources are behind a paywall):
https://www.scottishdailyexpress.co.uk/ ... 506744.amp